It could be said that in past times traditional tools were exclusively oriented towards subsistence needs and were in sporadic use, whereas the modern tools relate more to a recreational activity. Finally, in terms of gender, according to our records, in these Patagonian environments fishing was and still is carried out by men, although a chance event may find both men and women fishing. In addition, fishing is an individual activity.
In our search for information, little mention was made by chroniclers of fishing among indigenous peoples in Patagonian aquatic environments. The identified, available sources coincide in indicating the use of harpoons in rivers, and the same methods currently used [ , ]. With these methods of fishing the Mapuche in past times sustained their communities in times of famine. In the past, fishing was seen as a difficult activity, and inefficient due to the considerable amount of time required to catch fish one by one.
All the reasons given by informants are in synchrony with the ecological characteristics of aquatic environments in the region. In Patagonia the rivers and lakes present low abundance and diversity of fishes [ 89 ] in comparison, for example, with the highly productive environments of northern Argentina where there is greater abundance and species diversity [ 42 ]. For this reason the arrival of salmonids in these fluvial environments signifies not only an increase in the diversity and abundance of fishes but also in the probability of catching them.
On the other hand, because the water bodies are poor in nutrients the Patagonian fishes have a low caloric value as compared to fish species in the north of the country, and in comparison with livestock. According to inhabitants, fishing is currently carried out as an occasional activity and also for family or household consumption. For the families, the fish of the region constitute a complementary resource, allowing them to broaden or vary their diet.
It could be said that among the Mapuche to the east of the cordillera, fishing was not in the past, nor is today, an important activity or one carried out frequently, in contrast with the Mapuche fishing groups on the Chilean side, which make liberal use of marine resources [ , ]. Finally, our results coincide with ethnnohistorical sources where naturalists, chroniclers and travellers at the end of the 19th century and during the 20th century [ 64 — 68 ] make little reference to the relation between the Mapuche people and fluvial fishes. In the cases where mention is made of this, it applies to unusual, infrequent consumption of fish and a lack of knowledge about methods of capture on the part of the hunter-gatherer groups [ 57 ].
Although for the Mapuche people of the eastern side of the cordillera traditional fishing never represented a leading activity, but rather a secondary activity in response to dietary need, the water bodies in their surroundings are protected by customary norms which limit their use. This emotional and intellectual positioning of the Mapuche communities is different from the current globalised market society where man and nature are generally dissociated.
We confirmed that perceptions arise from the conceptions and beliefs of the Mapuche people which tend towards sustainability and conservation of continental aquatic ecosystems. The impact and interventions of man in these environments e. We can say that the body of traditional knowledge and its practical application are flexible in nature and adaptable to new socio-environmental situations.
This is seen in the changes and incorporation of new fishing tools, ways of doing things and fishing techniques in response to changes in the environment and society. In addition, we consider that knowing and valuing the perceptions and symbolism of the indigenous peoples with regard to aquatic ecosystems constitutes an initial step in the integration of local traditional and scientific knowledge towards the preservation of Patagonian environments.
It has been seen that the inclusion of ethnozoological knowledge in development projects constitutes a fundamental element in the analysis of concrete conservation problems and the management of natural resources [ 33 ]. The recovery of the word through this work has led to revitalization of this knowledge, and may therefore indicate a path towards the empowerment of these communities, legitimising their way of life and perceptions in the face of the notable transformations experienced in recent years due to the effects of population growth, development and globalisation.
Finally, we seek to draw attention to the need for integral studies which take cultural aspects beliefs and perceptions into account in the development of productive projects in our region. We would like to thank Drs. Pascual and D. Blanco for suggestions and assistance that improved this work. JA and AHL have conceptualized the study, designed the questionnaires, participated in data analysis and wrote the entire manuscript.
Both authors approved the final version of the manuscript. Permissions were provided by all participants in this study, including interviewed people. Consent was obtained from the participants prior to this study being carried out. Juana Aigo, Phone: 54 , Email: moc. Ana Ladio, Phone: 54 , Email: moc. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Journal List J Ethnobiol Ethnomed v. J Ethnobiol Ethnomed. Published online Dec 7. Juana Aigo 1 and Ana Ladio 2. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer.
Corresponding author. Received Jul 13; Accepted Nov Associated Data Data Availability Statement All the available data on the fishes identified through this study are included in the manuscript. Abstract Background Understanding how people interpret environmental change and develop practices in response to such change is essential to comprehend human resource use. Methods Our methods were based on a quali-quantitative fieldwork approach.
Results The body of knowledge of the communities studied reflects the socio-environmental changes experienced by Patagonian freshwater bodies. Conclusions Our data enable us to characterise dynamic traditional knowledge in these communities, which is flexible in nature and adaptable to new situations, demonstrated by the incorporation not only of new species but also new fishing tools.
Keywords: Ethnoichthyology, Fluvial environments, Fish, Perception. Background Throughout history aquatic environments have played a key role not only in the development and survival of local communities, but also in providing habitat and refuge for ichthyofauna [ 1 ]. Open in a separate window. Collection of ethnozoological data Field study In this study a quali-quantitative approach was used, combined with ethnographic fieldwork and bibliographical reviews. Data analysis Given the varied nature of the information in terms of the kind of data and its different epistemological approach, data analysis was mainly descriptive-interpretative [ 77 , 85 ].
Table 2 Classification criteria, descriptor attributes, and qualities used by inhabitants to identify the fish species. Table 3 Identification of fish species according to the descriptor qualities used by inhabitants. Rather small head. Mouth not very large, including jaw. Small maxilla. Dorsal fin partly spiny and partly soft, separated by a groove. Operculum with small spines. Colouring: Back of the head violet-brown.
Scales have coffee-coloured marks or specks. Caudal fin lemon-violet with marks which are almost black. Narrow caudal peduncle. Colouring: General body colour silvery yellow. Outer edge of each scale has black dots, giving a dark hue. Has an adipose fin behind the dorsal fin. Caudal fin straight or slightly concave. Large mouth with conical teeth.
Colouring: Dark back with olive green reflections, with black spots extending to flanks. A longitudinal purple stripe runs from the eye to the caudal fin, particularly notable in mature specimens. Spotted dorsal and caudal fins. Silver forms exist. Observations: Species of sports value introduced into the country from the USA at the beginning of the 20th century.
Some populations live their entire live in lakes, rivers and streams. Colouring: Olive brown with iridescent tones. Back marbled, with vermiculation which extends to dorsal fins. Flanks have red dots surrounded by blue halos and yellow-green spots. Red or orange belly. Observations: Originally from the north east of North America. Introduced into Argentina in in Rio Negro province. Used for repopulation in pisciculture.
Lives in Patagonian rivers and lakes. General body shape slender with edge of caudal fin slightly concave. Colouring: Body silvery with bluish head and back. Results and discussion Cultural, emotional and symbolic perception of fluvial environments Guardians or owners of the water The Mapuche people perceive Nature as being animated, as do most American indigenous peoples, and the inhabitants of the three communities visited during this study believe in the existence of forces, guardians, protectors or owners of nature who are in charge of the care, protection or preservation of the different natural resources.
The emotional relationship between the Mapuche people and their fluvial environments Our records enable us to witness the special relationship with fluvial aquatic environments that exists within the Mapuche cosmovision. Table 1 Fish species known by inhabitants. Patagonian rivers and lakes in central and southern Argentina and Chile. Benthic-pelagic habitat; Anadromous. Native of northern hemisphere.
Extensively introduced in cold waters in different parts of North America and the rest of the world. Endemic to Argentina. Patagonian rivers and lakes in Argentina and Chile. Exotic 5. Symbols and rules in the cultural interpretation of fish The body of fish knowledge in the communities studied includes wisdom and practices moulded throughout history, which have strong symbolic significance.
Availability of data and materials All the available data on the fishes identified through this study are included in the manuscript. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Consent for publication Not applicable. References 1.
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The role of folklore in environmental conservation: evidence from Edo State. He waited a few minutes since he knew she was fetching for water because the jugs were not in the house. Then he went to the river and saw the two jars without water and scattered on the ground, and traces of blood. He followed the traces and found the body of his wife destroyed. He returned home and […] prepared a large knife, a machete … and with it he returned to the body of his wife. There he stayed […], waited until 4 am, when the puma came.
Full of rage, he pierced the knife into the heart of the wild animal. As children, we said for example one must be careful with the mountain lion… with the wild boar, because these animals can attack humans … so we have to fear them. In a number of stories people fought with a puma and triumphed over it see also story P47, above :. In several local anecdotes, the puma is represented as a symbol for long life and immortality. Humans can reach these traits when eating the meat of a puma:. Afterwards each person went home. The next day at dawn when they looked in the mirror they saw that they had claws, sharp teeth, much more hair as usual but a gentle skin and after some days they started walking on all fours.
At the end they became the animal that they killed - this animal is called a puma. That is why the local people say that pumas can be human beings, but only at night, and they [pumas] never die. They live in hidden places. Some stories portray the belief that pumas could walk like humans, and that they are invincible knights:. At that time they were invincible, they were the companions of the King in the war […]. The spiritual value is strongly related to feelings of respect and admiration for the abilities of this animal:. In fact people never call him by his real name because he is a much feared animal.
When you named it by its name, the puma would come to you. Just as for the kodkod, we found that the puma can be an indicator of bad luck or a sign that someone shall die:. No one, one pays the fight with a puma only with death. Story-telling forms an integral part of the Mapuche culture. Yet, the kodkod cat does never appear as a main character in recorded traditional Mapuche stories.
In two of the 22 stories collected by Pino [ 61 ] it only appeared as a side character, and it is absent in the 13 animal stories collected by Kuramochi [ 60 ]. Thus, the kodkod cat seems to be connected to their occasional attacks on chicken and thus becomes a symbol of a thief. Interestingly enough, most people who use this word to refer to a thief rarely know that the kodkod cat exists. One could advance the hypothesis that this may reflect one of the animal's behavioural characteristics, alluding to the act of carrying preys, like poultry. There is however no evidence on this matter.
Mora Penroz [ 81 ] suggests that ko might come from kod-kod the Mapudungun name for Leopardus guigna. According to this author, the reduplicated syllable probably emphasizes an outstanding quality of this animal e. Accordingly, the family name Kona evokes a distant and vague feline-like behaviour.
Further research is necessary to better understand the etymology of the word. The puma or pangui in Mapudungun plays a significant role in Mapuche traditional narratives. He is the main or a central character in 5 of the 22 stories collected by Pino [ 61 ], and in two of 13 animal stories collected by Kuramochi [ 60 ].
Becoming Mapuche: Person and Ritual in Indigenous Chile
The puma represents an animal of prestige in Mapuche culture; warrior initiations included the introduction of particles of a puma bone [ 81 ]. A reference to the puma is part of many Mapuche names, patronymes and toponymes e. The qualities attributed to this felid, such as being a strong, vigilant warrior, performing agile attacks, are underlined in many historical Mapuche stories [ 58 , 60 , 61 ].
Foerster [ 84 ] in his structural analysis of Mapuche stories argues that in those where puma and foxes are confronted, the puma represent the paternal uncle whereas the fox stands for his nephew. In the following we try to get a deeper understanding of the human-animal relationships that emerge from the value and symbolic associations. Wild carnivores frequently engender negative attitudes among people worldwide where they prey upon domestic animals.
This economic conflict is well documented, for example for snow leopards [ 86 ], wolfs [ 87 — 89 ], and wild cat predators such as jaguars and pumas [ 54 , 55 ]. In our study, the majority of the stories regarding kodkods contained negativistic and dominionistic values, mainly allocated to the animal due to its characteristic poultry killing.
The puma was also described as a severe predator of farm animals mostly sheep. However, beliefs about pumas seem to play an even greater role within the conflict than do economic concerns see also [ 91 ] : It is usually blamed for predation even if other species e. Our stories also described pumas as predators on human lives. This finding is in line with the literature where a number of large wild felid species, such as tigers, lions, and leopards, in historical accounts have been attributed to people-eating incidents [ 92 — 96 ].
While kodkods do not represent a direct danger to humans, puma stories expressed fear of being killed by them. However, in Chile records of puma attacks on people are extremely rare with only one fatal attack having occurred in modern times [ 97 ] in [ 91 ]. Thus, the clear expression of fear is unlikely to arise from stories or events derived from physical contact with the feline, but rather from mind construction of the consequences given the nature of the animal, the puma seems to be perceived more as a bold animal.
Here, cases of people killed by jaguars occurred rarely and only in a poaching situation; hence, the authors concluded that negative perceptions seemed not to be based on the real risk the species may represent to people, but rather the perceived risk. Several scholars have shown that perception of carnivores by people, who have a long coexistence with carnivores, are often based on ancient, religious, symbolic beliefs, and ancestrally rooted practices that go beyond the simple view of it as a threat to livestock [ 85 , 98 ].
Trout [ 99 ] asserts that human beings have sublimated primeval fears into mythical narratives and symbols. A long history as hominid preys, particularly of big cats, has generated the adaptative biological disposition to fear big felids and to initially associate their traits and the ones of other predators such as crocodiles, wolves, etc. This in turn has been extensively used in the construction of the monsters that emerge in narratives and other products of popular culture, to this day.
Both felids in our study were associated with beliefs that Gods or dark forces give them supernatural power symbolic, spiritual values. This is also known from birds in the Mapuche culture: Faron [ ] described how the most frequently observed supernatural agents were malevolent night birds, seen or heard near one's house.
Likewise, nocturnal birds with eerie calls e. The stories revealed that kodkod cats and pumas were - even more drastically - signs for an upcoming death in the family. These negative perceptions are common among landholders that co-exist with wild carnivores that attack livestock e. Structural anthropology analysis [ 20 ] underlines the loss of balance between the expected order and the understandable limits of space: the cultured-human world versus the wild-animal world beyond e.
In this sense, the author captures the strength of spatial organization as a vital structuring principle of general order. Kodkods are extremely inconspicuous cryptic animals and this fact might be the reason of negative cultural constructs on such animals. This is of relevance as such cultural constructs convey deeper attitudes towards the animal itself. Stories on pumas contained various dimensions of positive relationships, even including positive symbolic long life, immortality and spiritual invincible, powerful animal orientations that were absent in kodkod stories.
Only then, the puma - which is characterized as a potent but merciful lord - will protect people. Altogether, the spiritual image of the puma seems to be that of a superior creature which is neither good nor bad, but that should be respected for the higher power it has and from which humans cannot escape. Our data revealed positive values related to kodkods. These were a result of a growing environmental conscience and the access to information outside the family context that point to the biological function i. Interestingly, positive values on kodkods particularly appeared in stories invented by the children themselves.
Those stories also lacked a reference to the felid-livestock conflict. This finding is in line with studies that have shown an intergenerational dynamic with a trend away from domination wildlife value orientations prioritization of human well-being over wildlife among older people versus a more mutualistic oriented view on wildlife animals as part of a large family deserving of rights and care among younger generations [ ]. This probably results in a shift of traditional utilitarian wildlife value orientations towards a more protection-oriented worldview [ ].
Understanding and managing wildlife is also about understanding and managing societies. As our results have shown, local stories can be used to reveal human-animal relationships, and to illuminate some of the underlying causes of human-wildlife conflict. Human dimensions are offering social-science information into the decisions about wildlife management, and thus have a high potential to contribute to wildlife conservation efforts.
Wildlife managers, conservation biologists, and local communities increasingly recognize that the success of conservation initiatives will axis on an interdisciplinary approach and require to reflect the sociocultural, economic, and ecological components of wildlife management [ ]. By determining human values and attitudes towards negatively perceived carnivores, as done in this study on two endangered felids, we first identify four main barriers to conservation and then provide recommendations on management and educational programs, general and on-site.
The four main barriers to conservation identified for our studied felid species are most probably also valid for other conflictive carnivore species: 1 fear towards the animal which can lead to less acceptance of its presence or even reduce the willingness to protect it e. Knowing about these barriers to conservation, it is possible to respect them in conservation programs. Education curricula should thus transmit objective information on biology and ecology of the carnivore to reduce fear and include multimedia to familiarize people with less visible animals.
Bio-cultural conservation actions could revitalize the dispersion of traditional stories to retrieve cultural relationships with the animal. Our study offers several implications for bio-cultural conservation education on-site: 1 The elaboration of bio-cultural books for a broader public e. Inskip C, Zimmermann A: Human-felid conflict: a review of patterns and priorities worldwide. Biology and conservation of wild felids. Macdonald DW. Edited by: Loveridge AJ. Oxford University Press, Adv Exp Soc Psychol.
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